http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/eng/miscdocs/200008_e.html

PERSPECTIVES : CANADIAN SECURITY INTELLIGENCE SERVICE PUBLICATION

> ---------------------------------
> Report # 2000/08 ANTI-GLOBALIZATION - A SPREADING PHENOMENON
> August 22, 2000
>
> This paper uses open sources to examine any topic with the potential to
> cause threats to public or national security

INTRODUCTION

> 1. Shock and surprise were widespread in the wake of the disruptive
> protests and associated violence that characterized the Seattle World
> Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference, 29 November-3 December,
> 1999. Yet the demonstrations were not something new, nor was the principal
> target-multinational corporate power-an unexpected focus. Opposition to
> corporate globalization has been growing for several years, a trend
> underscored by increasing media attention since 1995. Security agencies at
> Seattle, however, were caught off-guard by the large number of
> demonstrators and scope of representation, combined with the use of
> sophisticated methods and technology that effectively shut down the
> Conference.
>
> 2. Prior to Seattle, the most recent associated event occurred six months
> earlier, on 18 June, 1999, when protests known as "J18" were organized to
> coincide with the G8 Economic Summit in Cologne, Germany. The focal point
> was the City of London, where a march of 2000 people degenerated into a
> riot in which 42 people were injured and damage was estimated at one
> million pounds sterling.(1) But the activities were not confined to
> London; cities in North America and Europe also were involved, and in most
> cases financial districts were targeted.
>
> 3. Bringing together a broad spectrum of interests and agendas, J18
> incorporated both people and technology. While the former demonstrated on
> the streets, the latter featured in cyberattacks against business
> institutions. For five hours, at least 20 companies were subjected to more
> than 10,000 attacks by hackers(2). Adding a sense of insult to injury, the
> Internet was the means by which the concept of J18 originated, and by
> which the event was ultimately orchestrated.
>
> 4. Neither J18 nor the WTO protest in Seattle, or its counterpart, A16,
> the International Monetary Fund/World Bank (IMF/WB) demonstration five
> months later in Washington, DC, were unique, one-off events. As
> exemplified by further protest activity at the Organization of American
> States (OAS) Ministerial Meeting in Windsor, and the World Petroleum
> Conference (WPC) in Calgary, similar incidents can be expected to occur in
> various forms and with varying degrees of intensity, aiming at the same
> target-corporate power-for the foreseeable future. Reminiscent of the
> Vietnam and anti-nuclear protest era of the '60s and '70s, the activities
> are global in scope, international in locale, and have involved sites in
> Canada on several occasions.

SITUATION

> 5. Meetings of international monetary, trade and environmental organizations, which in the past incited
> little or no protest interest, are now drawing the attention of thousands
> of anti-globalization activists. Representing a broad spectrum of groups,
> lobbyists, and overlapping networks, including some violent extremists
> whose presence raises security concerns, they share a mutual
> antipathy-that of multinational corporate power. Often described as more
> influential and stronger than government, some corporations boast budgets
> larger than the gross domestic product (GDP) of many nations: "...of the
> top hundred economies, fifty-one are multinationals and only forty-nine
> are countries."(3)
>
> 6. Alleged abuse of corporate power by multinationals is the basic focus
> of protest activity. Large corporations with international undertakings
> stand accused of social injustice, unfair labour practices- including
> slave labour wages, living and working conditions-as well as a lack of
> concern for the environment, mismanagement of natural resources, and
> ecological damage. Anti-globalization demonstrations have achieved
> worldwide support partly because the target, per se, its representatives,
> and its effects are global in nature. Major brand names, among them Nike,
> Starbucks, McDonalds, and Shell Oil, are principal targets, ironically
> because their massive advertising campaigns designed to engender public
> prominence have been successful-and that status is being used to highlight
> the charges brought against them.
>
> 7. Protest objectives extend beyond the claimed corporate impropriety,
> however. Multinational economic institutions, such as the World Trade
> Organization (WTO), the World Bank (WB), and the International Monetary
> Fund (IMF), are seen as establishing, monitoring, and rendering judgements
> on global trade practices, and are viewed as the spearheads of economic
> globalization. These institutions, considered to be the servants of
> corporate interests, exercising more power than elected governments and
> interested only in the profit motive, have increasingly become principal
> demonstration targets. Underlying the anti-globalization theme is
> criticism of the capitalist philosophy, a stance promoted once again by
> left-of-centre activists and militant anarchists.
>
> 8. The global parameters have encouraged disparate groups and individuals
> to participate in the demonstrations. In Seattle and Washington, for
> example, the wide variety of parading malcontents evoked the eclectic
> ambience of a "protest county fair." Circumstances also have promoted the
> involvement of fringe extremists who espouse violence, largely represented
> by Black Bloc anarchists and factions of militant animal-rights and
> environmental activists. The melding of various elements and establishing
> of strange-bedfellow ties at individual demonstrations have contributed
> both to the impact and the unique character of the events.

DISCUSSION

> 9. The growing trend toward anti-globalization activism is
> directed, first, against "big business"-multinational corporate power-and,
> second, against "big money"-global agreements on economic growth.
> Allegations of exploitive labour and human-rights abuses reach back to the
> mid-1990s when a number of corporations producing major brand name
> products, such as Nike sneakers, Gap jeans, and Starbucks coffee, were
> accused of union-busting, sweatshop working conditions, and child labour
> practices on a global scale. Among other well-known multinationals,
> McDonalds, Monsanto, and Shell Oil were indicted for similar faults. The
> litany of castigation ranges across a broad spectrum, including paying low
> wages, offering minimal health benefits, depleting old-growth and rain
> forests, using unsafe pesticides, bio-engineering agriculture crops,
> violating animal rights, and colluding with violent and repressive
> regimes.
>
> 10. Accusations against the multinationals continue-students still gather
> in Eugene, Oregon, the home of Nike, to protest the corporate giant's
> Third World labour practices-but increasingly they are being supplemented
> by demonstrations against such institutions as the World Trade
> Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank
> (WB). Protagonists claim these establishments promote and facilitate
> corporate power and that elected governments are being overshadowed in the
> political arena by global economic institutions and their efforts to
> direct and expand economic growth. Activists, however, are divided in
> their anti-globalization position. The larger segment supports
> restructuring corporations to reflect accountability and transparency; the
> smaller segment, while also supporting these objectives, actively promotes
> the total demise of global structures including the WTO. Anarchist
> activists and some environmentalists fall in the latter category.
>
> 11. The philosophy of capitalism also is under attack, facing charges that
> it is ignoring the social welfare of individuals, and destroying cultures
> and the ecology in the quest for growth and profit. As prominent corporate
> names come under fire, making for good publicity and media attention,
> groups such as animal-rights activists and environmental protection
> advocates vie for an opportunity to share the spotlight, many making
> similar claims about exploitation. Some observers term the situation the
> "rise of the New New Left"(4) and draw comparisons to the 1968 Parisian
> "summer of the barricades." The unifying elements on this occasion,
> however, are the powers of the corporations, name-brands, globalization,
> and the interests of capital, in opposition to the welfare of workers,
> exploitation of the ecology, and a range of collateral issues. Many
> factors are involved, with certain incidents cited as triggers, among them
> the death of Nigerian activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, and the campaigns against
> Kathy Lee sportswear, Wal-Mart, Mattel and Disney, and Shell and Chevron
> Oil Companies, which draw attention to the claims of the protesters and
> give substantive meaning to the demonstrations.
>
> 12. In her book, No Logo, Canadian Naomi Klein claims
> ...corporate investment in the Third World was seen ...as a key to
> alleviating poverty and misery. By 1996, however, that concept was being
> openly questioned, and it was recognized that many governments in the
> developing world were protecting lucrative investments-mines, dams, oil
> fields, power plants and export processing zones-by deliberately turning a
> blind eye to egregious rights violations by foreign corporations against
> their people.(5)
>
> Further, she states:
>
> At the heart of this convergence of anticorporate activism...is the
> recognition that corporations are much more than purveyors of the products
> we all want; they are also the most powerful political forces of our
> time....So although the media often describe campaigns like the one
> against Nike as "consumer boycotts," that tells only part of the story. It
> is more accurate to describe them as political campaigns that use consumer
> goods as readily accessible targets, as public-relations levers and as
> popular-education tools.(6)
>
> 13. Although multinational corporations and international trade
> institutions are the subjects of criticism, not all observers share a
> negative perspective. Many commentaries are published which speak in
> favour of beneficial and positive accomplishments, especially in relation
> to the international institutions. The concept of free trade is just one
> topic which has been favourably addressed:
>
> Global free trade promotes global economic growth. It creates jobs, makes
> companies more competitive, and lowers prices for consumers. It also
> provides poor countries, through infusions of foreign capital and
> technology, with the chance to develop economically and, by spreading
> prosperity, creates the conditions in which democracy and respect for
> human rights may flourish.(7)
>
> 14. One relatively small but vocal and violent protest element is the
> militant anarchist faction, often identified as the Black Bloc. Considered
> to be exponents of a virtually defunct philosophy, anarchists received a
> fillip for their cause in 1995 when the Unabomber's political manifesto
> was published. Paradoxically, the manifesto identified technology as a
> major source of the world's ills and called for the violent destruction of
> the system, especially the Internet, which in large measure has
> contributed to promoting the anarchist message worldwide. Although some
> members of the anarchist milieu believe that a peaceful, ethical approach
> should be followed, many defend the use of violence as the only means to
> achieve the classic anarchist society based on small independent
> communities that function without elected leaders.
>
> 15. While most demonstration participants and members of protest groups
> seek to conduct their activities in a peaceful, legitimate manner,
> militants and extremists have other ideas. The radical, extremist
> participants represented at the demonstrations-whatever their
> cause-believe the standard forms of protest-marching, rhetoric, and
> placard-waving-have failed to achieve anything of importance. They believe
> it is necessary to undertake "direct action" by inflicting damage on those
> corporations that extend the reach of global trade and technology at the
> expense of the Earth and its poorest citizens. Some of the more aggressive
> frequently resort to climbing and rapelling techniques to scale buildings
> and other lofty sites to conduct sit-ins or hang banners for publicity
> purposes. Extremists-often anarchists, animal-rights supporters, or
> environmentalists-indulge in such violent actions as smashing windows,
> setting fires, or trashing shops and fast-food outlets.
>
> 16. No matter the fundamental viewpoint, pro or con, involving
> globalization, concerns on the part of law enforcement and security
> agencies are very real. While individuals and groups have a right to
> legitimate protest, including non-violent demonstrations whatever their
> size, they do not have the right to close down political meetings. Writing
> in the The Ottawa Citizen, two professors from Carleton University have
> said:
>
> Democracies have the right and the responsibility to protect free
> expression and lawful assembly. This includes rights for activists and
> critics. It also includes the rights of elected officials to assemble and
> express their views. The tyranny of small groups, minorities or even
> majorities to prevent the exercise of such rights by trying to shut down
> meetings is unacceptable in a democracy.(8)

> 17. Diversity is a major characteristic of anti-globalization protests and demonstrations,
> which are often described as "multi-generational, multi-class, and
> multi-issue"(9). Participants represent a variety of issues and not all
> are pursuing globalization as their primary target. For some protesters,
> anti-globalization is a principal concern, but for others it is merely a
> shared goal, with the demonstrations simply a means to an end. That is,
> the combination of groups and participants coming together creates a
> powerful impression and an impact out of all proportion with their
> individual strengths. The melding of the various groups into one large
> body implies power, and attracts attention and publicity, which, in turn,
> draws more and more participants. Many groups and individuals take part
> largely because of the attention and publicity which are generated, almost
> in the manner of self-generating growth. Seattle and Washington reflect
> how large the antagonistic audience has become, and the lengths to which
> participants will go in their desire to shut down or impede the spread of
> globalization. It is an issue with significantly more supporters from the
> left than the right, and features a large component of youth.
>
> 18. To some degree, participation at protests and demonstrations depends
> upon the subject of the targeted meeting or conference. Labour had serious
> concerns about the proposals scheduled to be discussed at Seattle's WTO
> Meeting-consequently labour was well represented, well organized, and
> contributed to the protest funding arrangements. The WB/IMF Meeting in
> Washington, however, was of less interest to labour, drew a much smaller
> number of labour supporters, and prompted a much lower labour profile. The
> OAS meeting in Windsor also raised labour's concerns, but when it became
> evident that some of the more contentious issues were not on the agenda,
> interest waned. As well, because Windsor is largely a labour town , it did
> not behoove labour organizers to create a bad impression. Differences of
> opinion do exist and schisms do impact on attendance and activity at
> demonstrations; during the OAS Conference in Windsor, for example, labour
> representatives attempted to prevent the mo! re violent protesters from
> storming police barricades.
>
> 19. Protesters represent a broad spectrum of causes and
> goals-environmentalists, animal-rights supporters, union members,
> human-rights activists, anarchists, even the White supremacist milieu. But
> with the exception of large and prominent organizations, e.g., Greenpeace,
> the names or titles of groups are not significant. Many groups are merely
> splinters, have few members, are formed briefly for the need of the
> moment, change their names frequently, or are located in a specific
> region; in many cases, individuals are members of several groups at the
> same time or espouse various causes. Of more importance are the causes and
> motivations, per se, which are represented by the various groups and which
> provide an indication of the likely type of protest activity that might be
> expected at a demonstration.
>
> 20. Some relatively well-known organizations and causes often are
> represented at anti-globalization demonstrations: the AFL-CIO, appearing
> on behalf of labour's interests, and People for Ethical Treatment of
> Animals (PETA), one of several animal-rights support groups. Similarly,
> Rainforest Action Network, Earth First!, and the Sierra Club advocate
> environmentalism, and Global Exchange, Direct Action Network, Nader's
> Group, Radical Roots, and Global Trade Watch uphold the human-rights
> banner. Two organizations which have materialized in recent years and play
> a significant role are the California-based Ruckus Society, and the
> Calgary-based Co-Motion Action. Both specialize in training protesters and
> organizing and managing demonstrations, aspects discussed in greater
> detail below (see: Tactics and Technology).
>
> 21. The more militant and violent protesters belong to extremist elements
> associated with many of the causes, especially environmentalist,
> animal-rights, and anti-abortion activists. Extremists currently achieving
> the most notoriety are found among anarchists and members of the Third
> Position. The former are represented in part by the Black Bloc, the
> Anarchist News Service, the Black Army Faction, and Anarchist Action
> Collective. Individuals identified as members of the Black Bloc were
> believed responsible for much of the violence in Seattle and, to a lesser
> extent, in Washington. The Black Bloc is a loosely organized cluster of
> anarchist affinity groups and individuals, estimated in North America to
> number a few hundred, who come together to participate in protests and
> demonstrations(10). The Third Position, largely a European phenomenon but
> spreading rapidly to the USA, is a curious mixture of extreme Left and
> Right political motivations which include the use of violent means of
> protest(11).

Tactics and Technology

> 22. While diversity has contributed
> to modernizing and strengthening protests and demonstrations, new tactics
> and technology, collectively and individually, have radically changed the
> face of protest activity and generated renewed life in the reality of
> demonstrations. Gone are old-style gatherings confined to waving placards
> and banners, declaiming speakers, and moderate, controlled marches in
> specific locations. Not unlike the massive and often vigourous Out of
> Vietnam and Ban the Bomb protests of the '60s and '70s decades, today's
> demonstrations, resurrecting the anarchist theme of "direct action,"
> employ a host of novel methodologies that have given a whole new
> complexion to the nature of the protests. The development and
> implementation of new tactics are a direct result of the impact of new
> technology and the ability of organizers to use it to their best
> advantage.
>
> 23. Creating the foundation for dramatic change, the Internet has had a
> profound impact-in part by enabling organizers to quickly and easily
> arrange demonstrations and protests, worldwide if necessary. Individuals
> and groups now are able to establish dates, share experiences, accept
> responsibilities, arrange logistics, and initiate a myriad of other
> taskings that would have been impossible to manage readily and rapidly in
> the past. International protests and demonstrations can be organized for
> the same date and time, so that a series of protests take place in
> concert. The Internet has breathed new life into the anarchist philosophy,
> permitting communication and coordination without the need for a central
> source of command, and facilitating coordinated actions with minimal
> resources and bureaucracy. It has allowed groups and individuals to cement
> bonds, file e-mail reports of perceived successes, and recruit members.
>
> 24. Anti-globalists aim by force of numbers to shut down targeted meetings
> and, in the process, paralyze free movement in a host city. In the short
> term, they carry an economic impact, a form of sabotage long endorsed by
> environmental activists. In the months prior to a campaign, activists
> attend extensive training and educational courses associated with proposed
> protests and demonstrations. By organizing counter summits to run
> concurrently with international events, as was done during the June, 2000,
> World Petroleum Congress in Calgary, activists ensure involvement.
> Pre-event lectures include highly emotive subjects, such as the execution
> of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa by the Nigerian government in 1995, and
> human-rights conditions in Bolivia and Guatemala. Idealism plays a large
> role, with protesters becoming more and more knowledgeable about their
> subject and sophisticated in their methodology, using travelling "road
> shows" and teach-ins to increase their effectiveness.
>
> 25. The new protest phenomenon has been characterized by the broad range
> of interests which have come together to conduct the demonstrations with
> minimal dissension. "Reclaim The Streets," a UK-based initiative that
> originated with street parties or "raves" in the mid-1990s, is a tactical
> concept that protesters have adopted to promote their causes en masse(12),
> and which gave rise to the massive gatherings at Seattle and Washington.
> The methodology has been remarkable in terms of organization, especially
> because a central "director" is not evident and, in part, the resulting
> lack of infighting has been the secret of success. Like the Internet
> itself, the anti-globalist movement is a body that manages to survive and
> even thrive without a head. However, radical elements and extremists are
> taking advantage both of the absence of a controlling element and the
> events themselves to indulge in violence, which is not the stated intent
> of demonstration participants.
>
> 26. One of the more impressive innovations has been the method of
> organizing, arranging, and directing the operational and administrative
> activities associated with the demonstrations-accomplished effectively
> without the obvious influence of central authority, command, or control.
> In many ways, the system is very similar to that advocated by anarchists
> of the libertarian socialist philosophy. Activities begin with like-minded
> individuals who gather in affinity groups across the country, plan their
> roles, and travel to the site of the demonstration. Once at the site, they
> join with other like-minded affinity groups to form clusters and to select
> a spokesperson who attends the daily spokescouncil. At the latter,
> discussions are held and information passed concerning operational and
> administrative activities-arrangements for accommodation, feeding, legal
> advice, types of actions to be implemented. Locations are chosen for
> certain activities and agreements reached concerning the
>  types of protest actions to be undertaken, although complete agreement is
> not always achieved-the more militant or extremist elements usually do as
> they please.
>
> 27. Some clusters undertake specific taskings and responsibilities, such
> as securing food, transportation, and accommodation, making legal
> arrangements, and forming into working groups to cope with the range of
> logistical, administrative, and operational requirements necessary for a
> successful protest (e.g., media, training, legal, transportation, issues,
> permitted actions, scenarios, propaganda, medical, fundraising,
> communications). Prior to the Washington IMF/WB demonstration, a number of
> affinity groups met several months in advance, as did representatives of
> the spokescouncil and the working groups. Some sponsors, representatives
> of labour organizations, and a broad range of causes formed coalitions for
> the purpose of "mobilizing" participants. Again, the availability of the
> Internet permitted them to share ideas, experiences, and problems from a
> global perspective.
>
> 28. Cellphones constitute a basic means of communication and control,
> allowing protest organizers to employ the concepts of mobility and
> reserves and to move groups from place to place as needed. The mobility of
> demonstrators makes it difficult for law enforcement and security
> personnel to attempt to offset their opponents through the presence of
> overwhelming numbers. It is now necessary for security to be equally
> mobile, capable of readily deploying reserves, monitoring the
> communications of protesters, and, whenever possible, anticipating the
> intentions of the demonstrators. In some cases, the extremist elements,
> e.g., Black Bloc anarchists, have used the ranks of moderate protesters as
> shields to prevent law enforcement personnel from viewing violent
> activities and from getting into position to stop the damage.
>
> 29. Protesters have learned to employ both kerosene and vinegar-soaked
> rags for anti-tear gas and anti-pepper spray purposes, and to use a
> combination of chicken wire, PVC pipe, and linked arms to create almost
> immoveable street barricades. As well, a technique which harks back at
> least three decades to anti-nuclear and Left and Right Wing demonstrations
> in Great Britain, the renewed use of ball bearings and marbles against
> police horses has been suggested. Among the use of new technologies,
> Pretty Good Privacy (PGP) is the preferred means of encrypting
> communications on the Internet. As well, the anti-globalists have adopted
> media-savvy techniques developed and refined by environmental activists.
> For example, during the 26-30 March, 2000, BIO 2000 biotechnology
> conference held in Boston, protestors against genetically modified food
> set up the 'Boston Independent Media Centre,' which posted photos, stories
> and audio clips on its Web site throughout the week of protests.
>
> 30. The Ruckus Society, a Berkeley, California-based group formed in 1995,
> has made a specialty of training protesters to meet the challenges
> encountered in demonstrating effectively, e.g., the placement of banners
> and individuals in critical locations, overcoming obstacles, and evading
> security controls. Ruckus played a leading role in preparing demonstrators
> participating at Seattle and Washington, and previously trained
> environmentalists in civil disobedience in Alberta and British Columbia.
> Representatives were present in Windsor and Calgary, prior to the OAS and
> WPC conferences, to teach demonstrators various improved protest
> techniques(13). An offshoot Canadian group, Co-Motion Action, conducted a
> training camp in Banff to prepare protesters for the World Petroleum
> Congress. Among direct action and civil disobedience lessons taught are
> use of the Internet, cellphones, video cameras, scaling walls, climbing
> trees, creating human blockades, scouting sites, and forming plans to
> combat police tactics(14).

Funding

> 31. Financial and material support of
> protesters and demonstrations, partly self-generated and partly raised by
> contributions from interested parties, is fundamentally a matter of
> initiative and imagination. Again, the Internet facilitates protest
> activities, offering a fast, simple, and inexpensive method of
> communication for organizing, motivating and encouraging attendees,
> sharing experiences and ideas, and soliciting funds. Many participants
> make their own way to demonstration sites, securing their own
> transportation, food, and accommodation; frequently, attendees share their
> capabilities and facilities and are assisted by like-minded groups and
> individuals at the demonstration location. Some funding originates with
> the large and better-known protest organizations such as the Direct Action
> Network and the Alliance for Global Justice(15). Protesters attending
> demonstrations considered to be in the interest of labour are often
> provided funds, transportation, meals, and lodging by labour unions and
> affiliated groups.
>
> 32 The San Francisco-based human-rights group, Global Action, provides an
> example of the cooperative and collegial relationships which exist in
> support of demonstration organizers and participants. A nine-person
> protest team conducted a 20-city tour using shared and borrowed vehicles
> prior to the Washington IMF/WB demonstration. The tour was arranged by
> e-mail correspondence, which also facilitated the team's housing and food
> during the journey. In return, the team conducted meetings, teach-ins,
> rallies and promotional activities to encourage attendance in Washington.
>
> 33. Funds are raised variously by solicitation, sales of badges, T-shirts,
> and other paraphenalia which publicize the range of protest movements.
> Other sources of funding are training courses, such as those run by The
> Ruckus Society and Co-motion Action, which charge $125.00 per attendee but
> request that participants pay as much as they can afford(16).
> Fundamentally, the protesters and the actual demonstrations do not of
> themselves require huge financial support. Much of what is undertaken is
> improvised and ad hoc, and does not result from the efforts of large
> self-interested lobbies or conspiracies. The closest approximation to
> organized support is that represented by labour's activism, which has
> included publicity and the provision of buses to transport participants.

Implications for Canada

> 34. A member of many of the organizations that
> have been subjected to, or are targeted for, protest actions (WTO, IMF,
> WB, OAS, WPC) at home and abroad, Canada is a favoured venue for
> international conferences. Governments at all levels in Canada make a
> practice of inviting and encouraging organizations to hold their meetings
> and conferences at various locations across the nation. The concept is
> good for business and serves to raise Canada's democratic profile in world
> affairs. Paradoxically, however, Canada's positive image could be marred
> by the occurrence of protests and demonstrations, and especially by
> associated unfavourable media coverage. Similarly, some authorities
> suggest Canada's reputation and interests abroad could suffer if the
> country is identified as a member of institutions targeted by foreign
> protests and demonstrations.
>
> 35. Although the majority of demonstrations are intended to be pacific,
> violence does occur and protests can be disruptive and expensive. While
> security agencies must know the nature of the opposition they are facing
> and be prepared, they must be careful of the form and extent of their
> response. Excessively draconian procedures could have a deleterious effect
> and provide the protesters with propaganda material to be used against the
> government and security elements. Further, care must be taken that
> security does not create the atmosphere of an armed camp which restricts
> and inconveniences the movement of conference attendees and irritates
> local business interests. Ultimately, security forces and policy makers
> also must recognize the possibility of increased levels of violence on the
> part of some extremists who may become frustrated by the protective
> measures in place at targeted conferences and meetings.

OUTLOOK

> 36.Anti-globalization protests and demonstrations will continue. In fact,
> many non-associated groups will seize on the anti-globalization theme as a
> convenient rationale to participate in demonstrations, making it difficult
> to accurately forecast security needs. Conference organizers, security
> agencies, and law enforcement personnel will have to accept that reality
> and the inherent challenge, which will demand adequate contingency
> planning. Sound intelligence arrangements will be crucial to the
> successful implementation of precautionary measures, especially to avoid
> errors of over- or under-commitment of resources and to preclude draconian
> responses or steps which would promote violent reactions from protesters.
> Extremist fringe elements will seek any excuse to indulge in aggressive
> tactics or resort to destructive activities. Clashes amongst demonstrators
> and between protesters and security peronnel have become a standard
> feature of many conference demonstrations, and some
>  anarchist groups are calling for more violent involvement.
>
> 37. North America, Europe, and the United Kingdom will likely be the most
> affected areas, largely because the majority of targeted meetings and
> conferences are scheduled there. Prominent locales such as London, Paris,
> Berlin, Vienna, and Prague are attractive to delegates, media, and
> protesters alike, as were Washington and Seattle. Within relatively easy
> travel distance, even for trans-atlantic journeys, they are readily
> accessible, offer a wide range of amenities, and possess excellent
> communications. As well, such major capital cities have a cachet that
> enhances the impact of media coverage and encourages the presence and
> extraordinary actions of demonstrators.
>
> 38. Distance and remote location remain factors in curtailing the presence
> of demonstrators to some degree, but are not sufficient to ensure security
> or constrain the influence of pressure groups. For example, early in May,
> the annual meeting of the Asian Development Bank at Chiang Mai, Thailand,
> was overwhelmed by 4,000 protesters demanding an end to policies they
> claimed punished the poor. Inspired by events in Washington and Seattle,
> protesters caught police by surprise when they stormed security
> barricades.(17) The July G-8 Summit on Okinawa was peaceful, largely
> because heavy security precautions combined with high costs for
> transportation, accomodation and logistic support to deter the presence of
> large numbers of protesters. Nonetheless, a day prior to the conference,
> thousands of people staged protests across Japan and students marched in
> Tokyo, shouting "Smash the summit." (18)
>
> 39. While location will have an influence on the number and type of
> demonstrators present at a conference, the purpose and nature of the
> gathering will be a much more decisive factor. Significant meetings,
> especially those featuring senior government or corporate leaders, such as
> G-8 Summits and IMF meetings, will attract large numbers of peaceful
> protesters, as well as those predisposed to violent activities. As well,
> the lack of obvious achievement by principals during a preceding
> conference, such as failure to approve debt relief for poor countries, may
> serve to mobilize thousands more protesters and trigger a wave of anger
> and outrage at subsequent events. Representatives of lobby groups who were
> present on Okinawa voiced their disatisfaction with the outcome and
> claimed their frustration will lead to protests "that will eclipse events
> in Seattle."(19)
>
> 40. The Internet will continue to play a large role in the success or
> failure of globalization protests and demonstrations. Groups will use the
> Internet to identify and publicize targets, solicit and encourage support,
> organize and communicate information and instructions, recruit, raise
> funds, and as a means of promoting their various individual and collective
> aims. The Internet remains a major source of protest motivation and
> planning; it will require careful monitoring by conference planners to
> determine the intentions and goals of demonstrators, and to forestall
> unexpected incidents.
>
> 41. Continued presence and use of large numbers of security forces,
> fencing, and similar restrictive measures could dampen the enthusiasm of
> protesters and might gradually reduce the size of some gatherings, as
> could adverse weather conditions. But, as demonstrated by extremist
> animal-rights and environmental activists, security measures could prompt
> a rise in the scale of violence from smashing windows to arson attacks,
> the use of explosive devices, and even physical threats against
> individuals, including posting warning letters purported to contain
> contaminated razor blades. The situation is paradoxical: the interest of
> targeted institutions and their membership in holding meetings on Canadian
> soil could wane if faced with stringent security precautions and movement
> restrictions. Conversely, Seattle-type disturbances and interference could
> similarly engender a loss of interest in using Canadian venues for
> international conferences and meetings which might prove attractive ! to
> demonstrators. Nonetheless, it has been established that antiglobalists
> are organizing against a number of international meetings in Canada,
> including the April 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec City. Given the
> virulent anti-globalization rhetoric directed against the Organization of
> American States (OAS), the threat of Summit-associated violence in Quebec
> City cannot be ruled out.
>
> --------------------------------- ENDNOTES
>
>
>
> 1. The Globe Mail, 1 Dec 1999.
>
> 2. The Sunday Times, 15 Aug 1999.
>
> 3. The Ottawa Citizen, 20 Apr 2000.
>
> 4. Minneapolis Star Tribune, 21 May 2000.
>
> 5. Naomi Klein. NO LOGO. Alfred A. Knopf, Canada, 2000, p.338.
>
> 6. IBID, p.339.
>
> 7. "After Seattle", William Finnegan. The New Yorker, 17 Apr 2000, p42.
>
> 8. The Ottawa Citizen, 1 Jun 2000.
>
> 9. Time. 26 Apr 2000, p.21.
>
> 10. "NOTES FROM UNDERGROUND", David Samuels. Harper's Magazine, May 2000,
> p.37.
>
> 11. 'Neither Left, Nor Right', Southern Poverty Law Center Intelligence
> Report, Winter 2000, p.40.
>
> 12. Klein, Op. Cit., p.311.
>
> 13. Calgary Herald, 15 Apr 2000.
>
> 14. The Globe Mail, 12 May 2000.
>
> 15. Time, 24 Apr 2000, p.21.
>
> 16. The Globe Mail, 12 May 2000.
>
> 17. The Globe Mail, 8 May, 2000.
>
> 18. CNN.Com, 21 July, 2000.
>
> 19. Reuters, 23 July, 2000.